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David brooks buckley college paper

Remembering the Mentor - The New York Times

sam tanenhaus later reported in the new republic that buckley might have eventually named brooks his successor if it hadn’t been for his judaism. in his review in the maroon, u of c’s independent student newspaper, the young brooks had defended moral relativism. buckley’s social life, which was almost as brooks had described it in his parody: yachting expeditions; bach concerts; dinners at buckley’s park avenue apartment and villa in greenwich; a constant stream of writers, politicians, and celebrities. the spring of 2012, brooks found a forum for his emerging ideas in a course he began teaching at yale.” i recounted that after college he had founded two magazines, one called the national buckley and the other called the buckley review, which merged to form the buckley buckley. the 2004 presidential campaign, brooks lampooned, hilariously, the hordes of liberal thought leaders who rushed to john kerry's side like athenian warriors lusting to make something triumphant out of what brooks called the "melted marshmallow" at the candidate's core. for counsel on political punditry, brooks used to make a practice of interviewing three elected officials a day.'s column announces, more honestly than the one about woodward and perhaps even more honestly than brooks intends, that those who set out to follow him will likely end up not as platonic guardians of the american republic in the best yale tradition but as what he, himself, remains: a fatalistic, "lateral-kissing up," consultanese-spouting pitch-man for our casino-financing, consumer-groping juggernaut.“part of the reason brooks comes off as moralizing,” taibbi told me, “is because people don’t know who he is, just that he has a lot to say about other people. brooks had begun his career by working for william f. same day that this watergate column ran, brooks' times washington bureau colleague elisabeth bumiller, like woodward a yale graduate, wrote an eerily similar put-down of woodward masquerading as "news analysis. then, suddenly, brooks seems to turn to writing about himself. more important to brooks than george bush himself was a kind of social and personal strength for which brooks yearned so ardently that he'd projected it onto a whole class: his very first column for the new york times -- "bred for power," september 13, 2003 -- pondered how the old prep schools had forged the yale-burnished confidence of two of that year's emerging presidential candidates -- not only bush but also his most prominent challenger at that point, "howard brush dean iii," as brooks made a point of identifying him. brooks reveals little of his personal life, either in columns, books, or interviews.

The Conservative Intellectual Crisis - The New York Times

yale students who took david brooks' faintly self-serving course on "humility" last year are buzzing about his new york times column today, which skewers a certain type of elite college student's ambition to become a "thought leader. your future is limitless”—“completely garbage advice,” brooks told dartmouth graduates earlier this year. hill and brooks, who defend universal morals, relativists believe morality depends on perspective and norms. brooks attached a postscript: some would say i’m envious of mr. “he’s the master,” says princeton professor robert george, a onetime adviser to brooks. bush, dc '68, to change the iraqi regime," brooks concluded. tells us that woodward was gripped by "starting-gate frenzy," which he characterized as the fate of all elite college grads, who must scramble disingenuously and sometimes brutally to ingratiate themselves with the right people, especially the more privileged of their classmates and alumni, to blunt the shock of their being "spit out into the vast, anarchic world of adulthood, surrounded by a teeming horde of scrambling peers. it was like a john hughes movie, says brooksjocks, nerds, stoners, class-council types. effective were brooks, kagan, gaddis, hill and their ilk in discrediting and defeating critics of the war like howard dean and john kerry that they helped to stampede americans into destroying iraqi hopes and american interests in the middle east in the grandest strategic foreign-policy blunder in our history. unanticipated backlash against the coates column demonstrates why, in brooks’ view, all columns are “failures. buckley and later thought he saw in george bush and the wasp prep school and collegiate traditions that had shaped both buckley and bush and that brooks had always envied from somewhere just outside the gates. perhaps his new book will summon from the old colleges whose traditions still obsess him a new generation of burkean, civic-republican leaders, more noble than "thought leaders" for whom "the fullest glare of attention comes just when a person is most acutely aware of his own mediocrity" and "is gravely concerned about the way everything is going to hell. and their cohort had become "tough, loyal to each other, and ready to take command without self-doubt," according to a book on the subject that brooks quoted. the introduction to the road to character, brooks scolds himself for a “natural disposition toward shallowness” and for having “to work harder than most to avoid a life of smug superficiality.

David brooks buckley college paper +David Brooks (cultural commentator) - Wikipedia

The transformation of David Brooks - Columbia Journalism Review

“by the time he had learned to talk, he had finished three volumes: ‘the world before buckley,’ which traced the history of the world prior to his conception; ‘the seeds of utopia,’ which outlined his effect on world events during the nine months of his gestation; and ‘the glorious dawn,’ which described the profound ramifications of his birth on the social order. he called buckley and asked if his offer was still open.) brooks covered crime, which meant hanging around the detectives’ office waiting for something to happen. the wall street journal soon hired brooks to edit its book review. to enter buckley’s world was to enter the world of yachts, limousines, finger bowls at dinner, celebrities like david niven and tales of skiing at gstaad. i described his college memoirs: “god and me at yale,” “god and me at home” and “god and me at the movies. national review’s readers no doubt shared a hatred for communism, but many of them simply wanted to be like buckley. brooks was 12, his family moved to the philadelphia suburbs, where he attended the upper-middle-class radnor high school. buckley was coming to campus, so brooks decided to write a parody of his memoir, overdrive. the heart of brooks' insight here lies in his mentioning nixon and johnson.'s column announces, more honestly than the one about woodward and perhaps even more honestly than brooks intends, that those who set out to follow him will likely end up not as platonic guardians of the american republic in the best yale tradition but as what he, himself, remains: a fatalistic, "lateral-kissing up," consultanese-spouting pitch-man for our casino-financing, consumer-groping juggernaut. the feel-good, fortune-cookie pablum that’s expected at commencement represents, to brooks, what discourse about a virtuous life has become. that matchup could have been billed as a sequel (no less on the 50th anniversary) to the famous 1965 debate at cambridge between james baldwin and william buckley on “is the american dream at the expense of the american negro? so why shouldn't young, would-be thought leaders at yale have the benefit of bumiller's and brooks' competitive inside coaching, as well?

David Brooks Explains More Than He Intended | The Huffington Post

problem with this approach is that brooks’ interest in moral philosophy is emphatically personal. when i asked how he came across this subject, he gave me a characteristic response, says neil harris, who was brooks’s thesis adviser.” that blurring aligns with brooks’ mission: to restore the standard of a couple generations ago, when “[p]ublic discussion was awash in philosophies about how to live well. lion of punditry though brooks has certainly become, part of him is still too much with the kids who are reading his columns and lining up to take his courses." thus she joined brooks in casting woodward as a reporter who comforts the comfortable by following them around and transcribing their thoughts. of his conservatism on issues from drug use to casual sex, brooks can be perceived as a fuddy-duddy. if brooks could inspire journalists to engage in public discussion of morality, politics and current events would not be relegated in favor of abstract reflections. but even more revealingly, brooks added, bush and dean "appear unplagued by the sensation, which destroyed lyndon johnson and richard nixon, that there is some group in society higher than themselves." shortly before 9/11 and barely a year after saying that it wasn't his place to defend the old wasp establishment, brooks, an editor at the conservative weekly standard, wrote "the organization kid," a long article for the atlantic about princeton that mourned the loss of the old ivy establishment's character-building ways, foreshadowing his maiden times column about bush and dean. on meet the press, in 2011, david gregory asked brooks and e. when brian williams of nbc news was in hot water for exaggerating his professional exploits, brooks wrote, “some sins like vanity—williams’ sin—can only be treated by extreme self-abasement."the most interesting part of this deep throat business," brooks began -- the dismissiveness of that phrase "deep throat business" already signaling that he'll dodge the profound importance of watergate -- "is [the washington post reporter and recent yale graduate] bob woodward's description.“we said, why aren’t we at a community college, among people where we can really make bigger impacts?” the 16th-century french essayist is one of brooks’ favorites, too.

How New York 'Times' Political Columnist David Brooks Manages to

“i guess my answer is that the things i’m trying to teach, the people at yale are no better off, and maybe worse off, than the people at a community college who may’ve had more challenging life experiences. now, though, this game seems to be circling disturbingly back to brooks himself.“i am not sure how many people believe in or aspire to this sort of a life today,” brooks wrote in the column “love story. kagan, gaddis, and hill were passionately committed to bush's grand strategies; brooks, in a column for the weekly yale student paper the herald of nov. brooks, studying sin (and other moral categories) has been transformational. bush, dc '68, to change the iraqi regime," brooks concluded. brooks uses his twitter account almost exclusively to promote his work, though he peruses the site several times a day—“a lurker,” to use his words. both were interested, he says, but coates has been spending a lot of time in france lately, and brooks is often on the road..Here brooks is close to his knowing resignation of today, describing the qualities his hero edmund burke would have dreaded in a protégé. brooks’ assistants resemble supreme court law clerks: they do significant research, they have hefty roles in writing, and they’re often drawn from the ivy league. now, though, this game seems to be circling disturbingly back to brooks himself. effective were brooks, kagan, gaddis, hill and their ilk in discrediting and defeating critics of the war like howard dean and john kerry that they helped to stampede americans into destroying iraqi hopes and american interests in the middle east in the grandest strategic foreign-policy blunder in our history. july, brooks had that advice in mind when he wrote the column “listening to ta-nehisi coates while white. brooks thought the book was excellent, too, and he wanted to bring attention to it, but with a qualifier:“i read this all like a slap and a revelation.

Remembering the Mentor - The New York Times

Romeo and juliet newspaper project essay

New York Times columnist David Brooks sits down with the Hustler

buckley was not only a giant celebrity, he lived in a manner of the haut monde.. in college they were discussing dostoyevsky; now they are trapped in copy-machine serfdom. brooks says he’s never been to a meeting or received a performance review.” writing for salon, stanford professor david palumbo-liu called brooks an exemplar of the “cult of white liberal race-deniers. christian theology has bedeviled brooks for several years now, in writing his latest book, the road to character, and in recent columns, much to the bewilderment of readers. consider the following excerpts from his columns of 2004 and 2005, about college-grad anxieties. brooks' forthcoming book will succeed where even his most brilliant successes as a thought leader have failed. to great book authors like plato, and followers like brooks, that’s an odd point of emphasis—to them, all politics are moral. and the message being telegraphed to us from brooks' inner nixon is that since woodward wasn't really as bold and high-souled in exposing the watergate scandal as you have thought, we might as well forget about nixon's faiblesses. on the dweeb-to-popular spectrum, brooks was somewhere in the middle, with a foot in each camp. never mind that it fits bush imperfectly and that brooks claimed that it didn't apply at all to the prep-school and yale-bred candidate who became bush's democratic opponent, john kerry -- or to ted kennedy, whom brooks called a "chicken little" for his opposition to the war in iraq."the protestant establishment is dead now, and nobody wants it back," brooks claims disingenuously at the end of that column, adding quickly that at least that establishment "did have a formula for producing leaders." shortly before 9/11 and barely a year after saying that it wasn't his place to defend the old wasp establishment, brooks, an editor at the conservative weekly standard, wrote "the organization kid," a long article for the atlantic about princeton that mourned the loss of the old ivy establishment's character-building ways, foreshadowing his maiden times column about bush and dean. keller suggested brooks try a more neutral phrasing: “disordered love.

David Brooks - Here's The Thing - WNYC

. in college they were discussing dostoyevsky; now they are trapped in copy-machine serfdom. consider the following excerpts from his columns of 2004 and 2005, about college-grad anxieties. of the reason brooks comes off as moralizing is because people don’t know who he is, just that he has a lot to say about other people." thus she joined brooks in casting woodward as a reporter who comforts the comfortable by following them around and transcribing their thoughts.” brooks left the topic alone for a decade, then wrote a piece after a supreme court decision that many still resent: “freedom loses one.” right-wing washington post columnist charles krauthammer, once asked to name his favorite liberal columnist, replied, “david brooks,” partly in jest.” brooks says some of his close friends were really angered by his column. who conflate ideology and disposition might overstate how much brooks’ beliefs have actually evolved. amid his endless efforts to ingratiate himself to bright undergraduates, brooks often discloses a cankered, gnawing, neo-connish resentment as dark and deep as the brilliant humor he wields in order to insinuate it into our perceptions of social life. one reader wrote a letter to the editor saying, “david brooks just couldn’t help himself. but even more revealingly, brooks added, bush and dean "appear unplagued by the sensation, which destroyed lyndon johnson and richard nixon, that there is some group in society higher than themselves.” brooks clarified for the room that it was a lyric from the rapper 50 cent. brooks' forthcoming book will succeed where even his most brilliant successes as a thought leader have failed. in 2005, brooks continued,Their elders tell them to take their time and explore, advice that is of absolutely no comfort.

Q&A on William F. Buckley - The New York Times

should have prompted fresh reckonings with the american republic's triumph over nixonian perversity at that time and of the public's continuing need for official truth-telling and reportorial vigilance prompted instead a snarky account by brooks of what he thinks we should all resent about ivy elitists who'd brought nixon down in the watergate scandal. levin says brooks has come to believe “ultimately, it isn’t really politics that shapes an advance toward justice. brooks returned to new york in 1994, podhoretz and kristol were getting ready to launch the weekly standard, an unofficial organ of the gingrich revolution.“the idea of a new york times columnist teaching yale students humility, i knew would get a blogger reaction,” brooks says. article was a sensation in the ivy colleges, and soon after 9/11, barely a year after praising the old establishment in it, brooks, an editor at the conservative weekly standard, was invited to teach a course at yale by donald kagan, john gaddis, charles hill, and other conservatives who were working to restore yale's old conduits to that very establishment and to toughen yale students up for the iraq war. problem is that brooks has been stuck trying to answer that question for almost as long as he has been writing. brooks’ hero edmund burke, the 18th-century irish philosopher, spoke of dispositional conservatism, which brooks defines this way: “it’s a reverence for the past, a belief in incremental change, a distrust of abstract, permanent truths, at least about political matters., the washington post columnist who is brooks’ liberal counterpart on npr, provided a bubbly stream of punditry. it’s evident in colleges that minimize moral nurturing and venerate résumé building, in politicians entrenched in ideology and illiterate in moral philosophy, and in journalists insistent on putting issues into political and economic terms. more important to brooks than george bush himself was a kind of social and personal strength for which brooks yearned so ardently that he'd projected it onto a whole class: his very first column for the new york times -- "bred for power," september 13, 2003 -- pondered how the old prep schools had forged the yale-burnished confidence of two of that year's emerging presidential candidates -- not only bush but also his most prominent challenger at that point, "howard brush dean iii," as brooks made a point of identifying him. an unexpected bond formed between brooks and the president, and he estimates that he visited the white house on 40 occasions during obama’s tenure. stone’s matt taibbi, a frequent brooks critic, wrote an only mildly tongue-in-cheek piece in 2012 headlined, “is david brooks teaching humility at yale the most pretentious moment in history? since i was young and a smart-aleck, i wrote a parody of it for the school paper. these texts provided blueprints for a healthy soul and society, and formed the foundation of brooks’ thinking—early exposure he considers rare among journalists.

Defending Millennials: A Response to David Brooks, William

offered the perfect place and occasion for brooks to urge whatever remained of the old establishment to renew itself in its war-making glory under its own legatee, president george w. who believe brooks beats up on the poor often point to ethical spinelessness of politicians or corruption on wall street as evidence that immorality is multicultural, maybe even skewed toward the elite. problem is that brooks has been stuck trying to answer that question for almost as long as he has been writing. brooks had begun his career by working for william f. when he spoke at chicago the next week, he paused mid-lecture and said, david brooks, if you’re in the audience, i’d like to give you a job. so says the other course brooks teaches at yale, “studies in grand strategy. at chicago, brooks had written a takedown of the original national review article that spawned the book. came to the university of chicago, delivered a lecture and said: “david brooks, if you’re in the audience, i’d like to offer you a job. amy davidson, the new yorker staff writer who acts as its in-house brooks critic, responded that brooks acted “pleased to discover that gays and lesbians have quite misunderstood what they are doing—which is, in short, to prove that david brooks is right about the world, and that they, until now, have been wrong. just that week, he’d flown alone to a gordon college event in boston, hope college in western michigan, and washington and lee university in virginia to promote his book. should have prompted fresh reckonings with the american republic's triumph over nixonian perversity at that time and of the public's continuing need for official truth-telling and reportorial vigilance prompted instead a snarky account by brooks of what he thinks we should all resent about ivy elitists who'd brought nixon down in the watergate scandal. the internship ended, brooks hit every right-wing spot on earth."the protestant establishment is dead now, and nobody wants it back," brooks claims disingenuously at the end of that column, adding quickly that at least that establishment "did have a formula for producing leaders. when “david brooks” trends on twitter for almost an entire day, the ant hill is sufficiently frenzied.

and the message being telegraphed to us from brooks' inner nixon is that since woodward wasn't really as bold and high-souled in exposing the watergate scandal as you have thought, we might as well forget about nixon's faiblesses. he started to drift to the right during one of his first jobs post-college, reporting a police beat for a chicago wire service. from lampooning dean's privilege -- as he would john kerry's a few months later, when kerry had become the actual democratic nominee -- brooks credited dean as well as bush with an "amazing faith in their gut instincts" and "impregnable" self-esteem. year, when brooks made his first tv appearance—on a roundtable student debate program moderated by former chicago professor milton friedman (the video survives on youtube)—he was introduced as a social democrat. the 2004 presidential campaign, brooks lampooned, hilariously, the hordes of liberal thought leaders who rushed to john kerry's side like athenian warriors lusting to make something triumphant out of what brooks called the "melted marshmallow" at the candidate's core. so why shouldn't young, would-be thought leaders at yale have the benefit of bumiller's and brooks' competitive inside coaching, as well?"the thought leader is sort of a highflying, good-doing yacht-to-yacht concept peddler," brooks explains, using his best comic-sociology idiom. national review was a catholic magazine, and brooks is not catholic. yale students who took david brooks' faintly self-serving course on "humility" last year are buzzing about his new york times column today, which skewers a certain type of elite college student's ambition to become a "thought leader. amid his endless efforts to ingratiate himself to bright undergraduates, brooks often discloses a cankered, gnawing, neo-connish resentment as dark and deep as the brilliant humor he wields in order to insinuate it into our perceptions of social life. one close friend is yuval levin, whom the new republic calls “the right’s new favorite intellectual” and who brooks calls a mentor. the line between moral philosophy and news analysis in brooks’ writing has been increasingly blurred. the heart of brooks' insight here lies in his mentioning nixon and johnson.'" but even buckley realized toward the end of his life what most voters, too, had seen: too much of what conservatives claim to want to stop is coming from themselves for them to displace the blame onto people like kerry, whom brooks now finds himself covering as secretary of state, a man trained, after all, by that good old wasp establishment, not the flip-flopper with only sculpted marshmallow at his core whom brooks gave us in 2004.

graduation, brooks spent a year writing freelance and then got hired by a small south side weekly called the chicago journal. quickly turns some bitter thoughts of his own toward recent college grads -- like those he taught at yale last year and in 2002 -- who are "networking" desperately to make it as writers but will end up like flies trapped in spider webs of assignments that may earn them some real money but leave them "incapable of thinking outside of consultantese. 1990, the journal sent brooks to brussels as an op-ed writer. makes the column still more revealing and sad is that, far from serving up an older but wiser man's humility, it recycles what brooks has been saying quite often since even when he was younger and, one might have hoped, less cynical. Yale students who took David Brooks' faintly self-serving course on "Humility" last year are buzzing about his New York Times columnCovering thehealth care fight. in 2005, brooks continued,Their elders tell them to take their time and explore, advice that is of absolutely no comfort. tells us that woodward was gripped by "starting-gate frenzy," which he characterized as the fate of all elite college grads, who must scramble disingenuously and sometimes brutally to ingratiate themselves with the right people, especially the more privileged of their classmates and alumni, to blunt the shock of their being "spit out into the vast, anarchic world of adulthood, surrounded by a teeming horde of scrambling peers. he calls buckley—who would often bring interns to his mansion and aboard his yacht—his mentor. buckley and later thought he saw in george bush and the wasp prep school and collegiate traditions that had shaped both buckley and bush and that brooks had always envied from somewhere just outside the gates. brooks thinks a tradition of journalists fluent, or at least conversant, in moral concepts dissipated in recent decades. carol quillen, the president of davidson college, was at chicago with brooks in the 1970s but met him only recently. every morning, a stack of free new york times editions appears in the vestibules of yale's twelve residential-college dining halls, where students can read columns like these over breakfast. as if she were determined to echo brooks, bumiller wrote that "mr. brooks was absenthe’d been one of two students selected to make the socialist case in a debate against the legendary free-market economist milton friedman, in california.

"the thought leader is sort of a highflying, good-doing yacht-to-yacht concept peddler," brooks explains, using his best comic-sociology idiom. safire, who wrote a times column for three decades, offered a tip to be used sparingly by brooks, his successor: “sometimes you just take the stick,” brooks remembers the former nixon speechwriter saying, “and you put it in the ant hill, and you shake it around, and you make everyone run around a little. his book tour over the summer, brooks committed to a mission for the rest of his career: to restore comfortable, competent dialogue about what makes a virtuous life. and their cohort had become "tough, loyal to each other, and ready to take command without self-doubt," according to a book on the subject that brooks quoted. then, suddenly, brooks seems to turn to writing about himself.” but buckley loved ideas, swept us along as his companions, and sent us out into the world. within 24 hours, brooks remembers, he went from covering rapes and murders to sitting in buckley’s park avenue apartment. a world of loud voices and extreme positions, David Brooks manages to be both irrelevant and absolutely essential. it’s strange partly because brooks was raised jewish, but also because the opinion pages are generally reserved for current events and politics. does brooks say to those who think he is sheltered in elite culture and unqualified to speak on the poor?“buckley spent most of his infancy working on his memoirs,” i wrote in my faux-biography. but he got a’s in history and he was a strong debaterenough to get him into one of the four colleges he applied to. as if she were determined to echo brooks, bumiller wrote that "mr.” after talking to them about character, brooks noticed, “they’re a little nervous about the subject.

The transformation of David Brooks - Columbia Journalism Review

when brooks arrived that day at the bustling npr headquarters in washington, there was much to sort out. makes the column still more revealing and sad is that, far from serving up an older but wiser man's humility, it recycles what brooks has been saying quite often since even when he was younger and, one might have hoped, less cynical. article was a sensation in the ivy colleges, and soon after 9/11, barely a year after praising the old establishment in it, brooks, an editor at the conservative weekly standard, was invited to teach a course at yale by donald kagan, john gaddis, charles hill, and other conservatives who were working to restore yale's old conduits to that very establishment and to toughen yale students up for the iraq war. but over time, brooks came to find traditional political analysis to be trivial. how much authority does brooks have to tell happy, successful people that they are morally ignorant? about reflections on the individual quest for fulfillment, brooks’ focus?“we have lost our clear sense of what evil is, what sin is,” brooks said. kagan, gaddis, and hill were passionately committed to bush's grand strategies; brooks, in a column for the weekly yale student paper the herald of nov. when he began drifting into unconventional moral territory, andrew rosenthal, the editorial page editor, didn’t intervene, though he does want brooks to maintain some focus on politics. lion of punditry though brooks has certainly become, part of him is still too much with the kids who are reading his columns and lining up to take his courses. a few years later, i went to national review and joined the hundreds of others who have been buckley protégés. brooks writes each column on the day of its deadline. from lampooning dean's privilege -- as he would john kerry's a few months later, when kerry had become the actual democratic nominee -- brooks credited dean as well as bush with an "amazing faith in their gut instincts" and "impregnable" self-esteem. he represents a morally beleaguered constituency, which is why, to borrow from one forceful column, the proper course is not to banish people like brooks from making such commitments to moral reflection.

a decade, brooks took repeated stabs at the same question—what produces a life of depth? there’s no formal quota, but when brooks writes a political column, he feels he’s allowed himself a moral one. general, brooks contends, journalists balk at sharing moral viewpoints, and readers bristle upon receiving them. Yale students who took David Brooks' faintly self-serving course on "Humility" last year are buzzing about his New York Times columnSkip to content, or skip to search. never mind that it fits bush imperfectly and that brooks claimed that it didn't apply at all to the prep-school and yale-bred candidate who became bush's democratic opponent, john kerry -- or to ted kennedy, whom brooks called a "chicken little" for his opposition to the war in iraq.” the argument is distinctly brooks: while most commentary about weed scrutinizes economic, legal, and medical consequences, he analyzes virtue. brooks “has basically one idea,” he explains, “which is that the poor are badly behaved and need to behave better, and all of these lectures that he gives on moral vocabulary are really a way to express this idea that all of the problems the underprivileged face are their own fault. same day that this watergate column ran, brooks' times washington bureau colleague elisabeth bumiller, like woodward a yale graduate, wrote an eerily similar put-down of woodward masquerading as "news analysis. quickly turns some bitter thoughts of his own toward recent college grads -- like those he taught at yale last year and in 2002 -- who are "networking" desperately to make it as writers but will end up like flies trapped in spider webs of assignments that may earn them some real money but leave them "incapable of thinking outside of consultantese. every morning, a stack of free new york times editions appears in the vestibules of yale's twelve residential-college dining halls, where students can read columns like these over breakfast. seeing chicago’s innards up closeparticularly the notorious cabrini-green projects and the city’s social-welfare policieshad a conservatizing effect on brooks..Here brooks is close to his knowing resignation of today, describing the qualities his hero edmund burke would have dreaded in a protégé."the most interesting part of this deep throat business," brooks began -- the dismissiveness of that phrase "deep throat business" already signaling that he'll dodge the profound importance of watergate -- "is [the washington post reporter and recent yale graduate] bob woodward's description. but,” brooks adds, “some of the effects i put in there to provoke attention were maybe wrongheaded.


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